Katharine E. Kolpan

Unidentified, commingled remains from mass grave contexts make human skeletal identification difficult, particularly in regions where there have been multiple, distinct conflicts, the excavation and retrieval of remains has been delayed, and/or graves contain both combatants and civilians. Identification is further complicated when information about the excavation and recovery of human remains is unavailable. In mass grave contexts, artifacts associated with the burials of unknown individuals can link them to a particular conflict, indicate whether they were civilians or soldiers, provide information about their specific military unit, and may also include personal effects that can be used for individual identification. This analysis examines artifacts associated with the remains of individuals recovered from Herzegovina, Bosnia to suggest they are Axis-affiliated World War II soldiers. During the war, modern Herzegovina, Bosnia was partitioned into distinct German and Italian zones as well as the Nazi-controlled, Ustaše-led, Independent State of Croatia, complicating repatriation efforts. Artifact analysis of certain objects associated with these unidentified individuals indicates these men were members of the German rather than the Italian army.

Forensic anthropologists are often confronted with human remains that have been damaged due to trauma, fire, or postmortem taphonomic alteration, frequently resulting in the fracture and fragmentation of skeletal elements. The augmented reality (AR) technology introduced in this paper builds on familiar 3D visualization methods and utilizes them to make three dimensional holographic meshes of skeletal fragments that can be manipulated, tagged, and examined by the user. Here, CT scans, neural radiance fields (NeRF) artificial intelligence software, and Unreal Engine production software are utilized to construct a three-dimensional holographic image that can be manipulated with HoloLens™ technology to analyze the fracture margin and reconstruct craniofacial elements without causing damage to fragile remains via excessive handling. This allows forensic anthropologists a means of assessing aspects of the biological profile and traumatic injuries without risking further damage to the skeleton. It can also be utilized by students and professional anthropologists to practice refitting before reconstructing craniofacial fragments if refitting is necessary. Additionally, the holographic images can be used to explain complicated concepts in a courtroom without the emotional response related to using bony elements as courtroom exhibits.
•Craniofacial reconstruction aids with the biological profile and signs of trauma.•CT-based AR craniofacial reconstruction can reduce bone damage from overhandling.•Neural resonance fields (NeRF) can rapidly convert CT scans into AR visual content.•AR visualization minimizes damage from manual manipulation.•AR allows the viewer to assess the skeleton in three rather than two dimensions.

This article traces demographic, membership, matriculation, and mentorship trends in forensic anthropology from the American Academy of Forensic Sciences (AAFS) Anthropology Section’s founding in 1972 through the present. The article relies on two datasets: a larger dataset comprised of AAFS Anthropology Section membership data and a smaller dataset (Dataset II) constructed from survey data volunteered by practicing forensic anthropologists and forensic anthropology students at the master’s level and above. Both datasets indicate that while the proportion of male forensic anthropologists has remained constant over time, the number of forensic anthropologists who use female pronouns has vastly increased since the 1990s. However, though there are far more women currently in the field and more female forensic anthropologists are hired in academia, mentorship data suggest that women chair fewer master’s committees than would be expected, and they still have not reached gender parity at the PhD level. The data also suggest that AAFS student membership has driven the growth of the section since its introduction in the 1990s. However, student nonrenewal has increased over the past few years, likely in part due to COVID-19, financial hardship, and the limited number of places in forensic anthropology-focused master’s and PhD programs. Regarding the matriculation and mentorship of these students, results indicate that it is common for forensic anthropology students to receive their master’s and PhD at disparate institutions, that 30% of forensic anthropologists have mentors in other anthropology specializations, and that approximately 20% have mentors outside of academia.

This article examines the origins and history of forensic anthropology. It pays particularly close attention to trends and developments in the discipline during the approximately 50-year period from the founding of the Anthropology Section of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences (AAFS) in 1972 to the present. It highlights how narratives of the founding and expansion of North American forensic anthropology should be extended to include more notable foreign anatomists and anthropologists as well as theorists and practitioners of color. It explores how relationships between academic institutions and museums, such as the Smithsonian, led to partnerships with law enforcement agencies and more widespread professionalization, which continues to this day. Concerns surrounding professionalization contributed to the founding of the AAFS Anthropology Section and the American Board of Forensic Anthropology. This article considers the Anthropology Section’s founding and purpose and how the section has changed over time. It also discusses the expansion of educational programs and training, taphonomic research facilities, anthropological work in medical examiner’s and coroner’s offices, and military, mass fatality, humanitarian, and human rights work in forensic anthropology. The article concludes by reflecting on the impact of the Daubert ruling and whether it has appreciably affected and altered forensic anthropology in the United States.

High-impact practices (HIPs) are educational modalities that focus on experiential and deep learning to affect student success in higher education, particularly among students matriculating from historically underserved communities. HIPs are designed to provide students with the intellectual and practical skills to succeed in an increasingly unstable global world beyond college. Utilizing a private-public partnership forensic archeological contract project, this paper examines how this venture employed a HIP-based contractor model that hired students as a professional archeological field crew and provided them with a living wage, transportation, and room and board. It also provided students without the means to participate in international fieldwork with the wherewithal to do so, supporting underserved students and diversity, equity, inclusion, and belonging (DEIB) initiatives. Utilizing this HIP-based contract model resulted in greater student investment and collaboration in a fieldwork situation more akin to the real world, where students learned to solve problems, communicate, and network in an international setting, resulting in new opportunities, such as professional jobs, and academic projects and publications. The paid contractor model ensured students with limited resources could participate, broadening the type of student who can receive this type of training, expanding diversity in forensic anthropology. These models are not limited to forensic archeological fieldwork; they can also be applied to forensic anthropology laboratory projects. Utilizing HIPs and employing a more equitable contractor model contributes to student professionalization, strengthens professional prospects beyond the university, and contributes to DEIB initiatives, all of which benefit forensic anthropology as a subdiscipline.